Sunday, November 6, 2016






US Media Ignores CIA Cover-up on Tortureرسانه های ایالات متحده   لاپوشانی شکنجه توسط سازمان  سیا را نادیده میگیرند







ترجمه بخشی از مقاله از : پیمان پایدار




A group of U.S. intelligence veterans chastises the mainstream U.S. media for virtually ignoring a British newspaper’s account of the gripping inside story on how the CIA tried to block the U.S. Senate’s torture investigation.

یک گروه از بازنشستگان اطلاعاتی( سازمان سیا- م) ایالات متحده ملامت میکنند رسانه های غالب در ایالات متحده را برای عملا نادیده گرفتن مطلبی از روزنامه بریتانیائی پیرامون داستان تکاندهنده ای در مورد اینکه چگونه  سازمان سیا تلاش کرد تا مانع بررسی شکنجه در سنای ایالات متحده گردد.

MEMORANDUM FOR: Sen. Dianne Feinstein, Vice Chairman, Senate Select Committee on Intelligenceیادداشتی برای: سناتور داین فاینستاین نایب رئیس، کمیته اطلاعاتی سنا

FROM: Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity
از: کارشناسان بازنشسته اطلاعاتی برای سلامت عقل

SUBJECT: U.S. Media Mum On How Your Committee Faced Down Both CIA and Obama

موضوع: یادداشت رسانه ایالات متحده در مورد اینکه چگونه کمیته شما با سازمان سیا و اوباما مواجهه شد

We write to thank you for your unwavering support for your extraordinarily courageous and tenacious staff in (1) investigating CIA torture under the Bush/Cheney administration and (2) resisting CIA/White House attempts under the Obama administration to cover up heinous torture crimes like waterboarding.

ما به شما می نویسیم تا سپاسگزاری کنیم از حمایت تزلزل ناپذیر کارکنان فوق العاده شجاع و سر سخت خود در (1) بررسی شکنجه سیا تحت دولت بوش/ چی نی  و (2) مقاومت شما در برابر تلاش سازمان سیا / کاخ سفید  در دولت اوباما برای سر پوش  گذاشتن بر جنایات فجیع شکنجه مانند غرق شدن مصنوعی.
The CIA seal in the lobby of CIA headquarters in Langley, Virginia.
The CIA seal in the lobby of CIA headquarters in Langley, Virginia.

We confess to having been shocked at the torture detailed in the version of the executive summary your Committee released on December 9, 2014.  We found ourselves wondering what additional behavior could have been deemed so repugnant that the White House and CIA insisted it be redacted; and if the entire 6,700-page investigation – with whatever redaction might be truly necessary – would ever see the light of day. We think you could take steps now to make it less likely that the full report be deep-sixed, and we will make some suggestions below toward that end.

ما به شوکه شدن بر شرح تفصیلی از شکنجه در خلاصه این نسخه کمیته اجرائی که کمیته شما درنهم  دسامبر2014 ،منتشر کرده اعتراف میکنیم. ما مانده ایم چه رفتارهای علاوه تر دیگری میتوانست اینقدر منفور باشد که کاخ سفید و سیا اصرار داشتند که محفوظ بمانند؛ و اگر کل 6700 صفحه تحقیق - با هرگونه ویرایشی که واقعا ممکنه لازم باشد - هرگز قابل رویت در روز روشن باشند. ما فکر می کنیم که شما حالا می توانید قدمهائی را بر دارید که از احتمال سانسور عمیق این گزارش جلوگیری شود، و ما برای این منظور برخی  پیشنهادات را در زیر ارائه میدهیم .

With well over 400 years of intelligence experience under our collective belt, we wondered how you managed to get the investigation finished and the executive summary up and out (though redacted). We now know the backstory – thanks to the unstinting courage of the committee’s principal investigator Daniel Jones, who has been interviewed by Spencer Ackerman, an investigative reporter for The (UK) Guardian newspaper. The titanic struggle depicted by Ackerman reads like a crime novel; sadly, the four-part series is nonfiction:

با داشتن بیش از 400 سال تجربه جمعی ما در زمینه اطلاعاتی، ما متعجبیم که شما چگونه موفق شدید این تحقیقات به پایان رسند و خلاصه اجرائی را آماده ارائه کردن شوید (هر چند محفوظ). ما حالا داستان پشت پرده را میدانیم  - به لطف شجاعت  محقق اصلی این کمیته دانیل جونز، که توسط اسپنسر آکرمن مصاحبه شده، یک  روزنامه نگار محقق متعلق به گاردین بریتانیا . مبارزه عظیمی که به  تصویر کشیده شده توسط آکرمن مثل یک رمان جنایی خوانده میشود؛ متاسفانه، مجموعه چهار قسمتی غیرداستان است:
Ackerman’s reporting on Jones’s tenacity in facing down the gorilla CIA makes abundantly clear how richly deserved was the encomium you gave Jones when he left the committee staff in December 2015.

You noted, “Without his indefatigable work on the Intelligence Committee staff, the Senate report on the CIA’s Detention and Interrogation Program would not have been completed, nor would its 525-page executive summary have been released to the public.”
It seems equal praise might well be due to any Snowden-like patriot/whistleblower who “inadvertently” included the “Panetta Review” in the reams of material given your committee by the CIA.

Remarkably, a full week after The Guardian carried Ackerman’s revelations, none has been picked up by U.S. “mainstream” newspapers. Not the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, the Washington Post – not even The Hill.

شایان ذکر است، بعد ازگذشت یک هفته کامل از افشاگری آکرمن در  گاردین ، هیچ کدام از روزنامه های اصلی ایالات متحده این مطلب را گزارش نکرده اند . نه نیویورک تایمز، نه وال استریت ژورنال، نه واشنگتن پست - و نه حتی هیل.
(As for alternative media, Charles P. Pierce’s timely piece for Esquire whetted his readers’ appetite for the gripping detail of the Guardian series, explaining that it would be “unfair both to Ackerman’s diligence and Jones’s courage” to try to summarize even just the first installment. “Read the whole damn thing,” Pierce advises.)

(حال آنکه در مورد رسانه های آلترناتیو، مطلب به موقع چارلز پیرس برای مجله اسکوایر به شوخی اشتهای خوانندگان خود را برای جذب جزئیات گاردین ، توضیح میدهد که این امر می تواند " هم برای سعی و کوشش آکرمن و هم برای شجاعت جونز ناعادلانه باشد" که سعی در خلاصه قسمت اول آن کنیم .  پیرس توصیه می کند "شما باید همه مقاله  لعنتی را بخوانید،".)
Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-California.
Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-California.

And so, the culprits who should be hanging their heads in shame are out and about, with some still collecting book royalties and some blithely working for this or that candidate for president. As if nothing happened. Sadly, given the soporific state of our mainstream media – particularly on sensitive issues like these – their silence is nothing new, although it does seem to have gotten even worse in recent years.

The late William Colby, CIA director from 1973 to 1976, has been quoted as saying: “The CIA owns everyone of any significance in the major media.” Whether or not Colby was quoted correctly, the experience of the past several decades suggests it is largely true. Better sourced is a quote from William Casey, CIA director from 1981 to 1987: “We’ll know our disinformation program is complete when everything the American public believes is false.”

 از ویلیام کلبی فقید، رئیس سیا بین سالهای 1973 تا 1976  نقل شده است: «سازمان سیا صاحب همه شخصیتهای با اهمیت در رسانه های بزرگ هست" اینکه از کلبی بدرستی نقل شده است یا نه، تجربه چند دهه گذشته نشان می دهد که تا حد زیادی درست است. منبع بهتر نقل قولی ست
 از ویلیام کیسی، رئیس سازمان سیا بین سالهای1981 تا 1987 است: "ما موقعی خواهیم دانست که برنامه غیر اطلاعاتی مان کامل است که همه چیزی را که مردم آمریکا میدانند نادرست/دروغ باشد."

In these circumstances, we know from sad experience that there is no way any of us can get on any of the Sunday talk shows, for example – despite our enviable record for getting it right. Nor does it seem likely that any of the “mainstream” media will invite you to discuss the highly instructive revelations in The Guardian. We respectfully suggest that you take the initiative to obtain media exposure for this very important story.

One additional request: As you and your investigators know better than anyone, it is essential to safeguard the integrity not only of the unredacted executive summary but also of the entire 6,700-page committee report on the CIA’s Detention and Interrogation Program.

And, again, you are aware that as soon as Sen. Richard Burr, R-North Carolina, took the gavel from you, he took steps seemingly aimed at ensuring that the full report never sees the light of day. Could you ask him why, as soon as he became chair, he asked the executive branch to transfer their copies to the Senate Intelligence Committee?

Many interpreted that as an ill-disguised attempt to thwart holding accountable those responsible for the abuses. Moreover, if the report cannot be reviewed by those who might be asked to participate in activities like torture in the future, how is it even possible for anyone to learn from the prior unfortunate experience?

The public is entitled to the entire story about the CIA torture program and its lies to Congress, the White House, and to us. Any attempt to bury the fullest investigation of the torture program – an investigation that provides an example of Congressional oversight at its best – would undermine the democratic accountability that is supposed to be provided by the separation of powers.
Furthermore, as you were quoted in the Guardian series, the agency searches “may have undermined the constitutional framework essential to effective congressional oversight of intelligence activities or any other government function . . .”
Senator Jay Rockefeller, D-West Virginia, was exactly on point: “You either have oversight and separation of powers with the checks and balances that come with that, or you don’t. It’s amazing that, once again, no one at the CIA was held accountable.”  Consequently, the issue now is not only the cover-up of torture by the CIA but – at least equally important – the “unbridled agency that spied on Americans (including Senate Intelligence Committee staffers) as eagerly as they spied on foreign adversaries,” as the Guardian described it in referring to the Church Committee investigation in the 1970s.

Does American democracy deserve any less than an intense investigation of the CIA’s obstruction of the democratic process in the 2000s?

The Guardian revelations make it still more difficult for the kind of excuses made by those who can hardly pretend to be disinterested observers – former CIA directors George Tenet, Porter Goss, Michael Hayden, for example – who wrote Rebuttal: The CIA Responds to the Senate Intelligence Committee’s Study of Its Detention and Interrogation Program, published on September 9, 2015. We published our own (VIPS) critique of “Rebuttal” five days later. And before the final vote on John Brennan’s nomination to become CIA director, we tried to warn you not to trust him.

President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney receive an Oval Office briefing from CIA Director George Tenet. Also present is Chief of Staff Andy Card (on right). (White House photo)
President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney receive an Oval Office briefing from CIA Director George Tenet. Also present is Chief of Staff Andy Card (on right). (White House photo)
We believe you will agree that more needs to be done to replant the moral moorings of honesty that must anchor the intelligence profession to which we have given so many years. And we think that one step in that direction would be for you to seize this new opportunity to give prominence to the edifying story of how your committee and its staffers stepped up so effectively to their responsibilities in investigating and exposing the very sad and delicate chapter of CIA torture.

The play-by-play provided by the Guardian series, with its appropriate focus on the top investigator Daniel Jones, has created an opportunity we hope will not be squandered; a chance to tell a truly uplifting story sure to encourage others to behave in similarly exemplary manner.

For the Steering Group, Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS)
Jean Maria Arrigo, PhD, member of 2005 American Psychological Association task force evaluating the role of psychologists in U.S. intelligence and military interrogations of detainees (associate VIPS)
Eugene DeFriest Betit, Ph. D., DIA, US Army (ret.)
Thomas Drake, former Senior Executive, NSA
Bogdan Dzakovic, Former Team Leader of Federal Air Marshals and Red Team, FAA Security, (ret.) (associate VIPS)
Mike Gravel, former Adjutant, top secret control officer, Communications Intelligence Service; special agent of the Counter Intelligence Corps and former United States Senator
Matthew Hoh, former Capt., USMC, Iraq & Foreign Service Officer, Afghanistan (associate VIPS)
Larry C Johnson, CIA & State Department (ret.)
Michael S. Kearns, Captain, USAF (Ret.); ex-Master SERE Instructor for Strategic Reconnaissance Operations (NSA/DIA) and Special Mission Units (JSOC)
John Kiriakou, Former CIA Counterterrorism Officer and former senior investigator, Senate Foreign Relations Committee
Edward Loomis, NSA, Cryptologic Computer Scientist (ret.)
Linda Lewis, WMD preparedness policy analyst, USDA (ret.) (associate VIPS)
David MacMichael, National Intelligence Council (ret.)
Ray McGovern, former US Army infantry/intelligence officer & CIA analyst (ret.)
Elizabeth Murray, Deputy National Intelligence Officer for Near East, CIA and National Intelligence Council (ret.)
Todd E. Pierce, MAJ, US Army Judge Advocate (Ret.)
Coleen Rowley, FBI Special Agent and former Minneapolis Division Legal Counsel (ret.)
Scott Ritter, former MAJ., USMC, former UN Weapon Inspector, Iraq
Peter Van Buren, U.S. Department of State, Foreign Service Officer (ret.) (associate VIPS)
Kirk Wiebe, former Senior Analyst, SIGINT Automation Research Center, NSA
Lawrence Wilkerson, Colonel (USA, ret.), Distinguished Visiting Professor, College of William and Mary (associate VIPS)
Valerie Plame Wilson, former CIA Operations Officer
Ann Wright, Col., US Army (ret.); Foreign Service Officer (resigned)

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